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北美留学生代写:理论和概念

这篇文章的作者主要讨论了她的10个特质方法在对团队动态进行分类的重要性,以便识别和管理团队需要改进或擅长的任何领域。作者认为,通过这样做,小组或团队将能够更有效地合作,提高他们的绩效水平。文章以逻辑的方式组织了它的论点,并引入了许多需要理解文章主要论点的理论和概念。除了我在这篇作业的分析部分建议的一些调整之外,可以得出结论,作者在这些方面都取得了成功。此外,这篇文章是用简单的英语写的,这一点很好,因为读者将能够很容易地理解这篇文章的内容。此外,作者还提供了大量的例子,让读者更清楚地理解复杂的理论和概念。在对这篇文章进行批判性评价时,我们发现这10个关键特征在评价和管理团队绩效时实际上是非常重要和实用的,除了本作业正文中讨论的一些缺点。这些缺点包括未能提及的一些重要方面可能影响组织的性能,像群体思维,组的大小,社会惰化的影响,本论文得出结论,教育政策不出现在真空中但反映妥协之间相互竞争的利益表达的主要利益的资本主义一方面,和各种社会运动的对立利益。虽然某些政策的确是对特定社会变化的反应,但这些变化本身也可能以各种不同的方式表现出来,并具有相反的意义。因此,教育政策倡议可视为对社会政治、经济和文化变革的具体结构的斗争的反应。然而,改革对穷人、少数民族和社会被排斥者产生积极影响的证据微乎其微。这样,就可以得出结论,国家对正在发生的教育变革并不是中立和受政治驱动的,因为它自己赞助一些变革和防止其他变革的利益反映在政策发展中。

北美留学生代写:理论和概念

The author of the article has mainly discussed the importance of her 10 traits method in categorizing group dynamics in order to identify and manage any areas that a group/team need to improve or they are good at. The author argues that by doing so groups or teams will be able to work together more effectively and increase their performance levels.The article has organized its arguments in a logical manner and has introduced many theories and concepts that need to understand the main argument of the article. Apart from few adjustments that I suggested in the analysis part of this assignment, it can be concluded that the author has succeeded in those aspects. Further the article has written in simple English that is a good point because readers will be able to understand the content of this article easily. In addition to that the author has provided lot of examples to make readers understand complex theories and concepts more clearly.When critically evaluating the article, it is found that those 10 critical traits are actually important and very practical in evaluating and managing group performances except for few drawbacks that were discussed in the body of this assignment. Those drawbacks include the failure to mention some of the important aspects that could affect the performance of groups, like groupthink, the size of the group, effects of social loafing, etc.This essay concludes that, educational policies do not emerge in a vacuum but reflect compromises between competing interests expressed by the dominant interests of capitalism in the one hand, and the oppositional interests of various social movements on the other. While it is true that some policies are responses to particular social changes, it is also the case that these changes may themselves be represented in a variety of different ways and accorded contrasting significance. Educational policy initiatives may thus be viewed as responses to the struggle over particular constructions of social political, economic and cultural changes. However, the evidence of positive impact of the reforms on the poor, minorities and the socially excluded is minimal. In this way, it can be concluded that the state is not neutral and politically driven with respect to the changes occurring in education, as its own interest in sponsoring some changes and preventing others is reflected in policy development.

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